Archive for May, 2011

 

The Battle for Baltimore, 1914: The Federal League Moves In 

19 August 1913 – Secret meeting of the Federal League in Indianapolis:

League directors meet, after disposing of president John Powers. They each pledge to put up $50,000 by September 20 to commit to a run at becoming an independent major league in 1914.

Among their initial plans: Add eastern territories, specifically Baltimore and Buffalo; Seek new ballparks in Chicago, Cleveland, St. Louis and Indianapolis; Seek the counsel of players’ union leader Dave Fultz 

In August 1913, the independent Federal League (regarded as a low minor league, perhaps Class-D) made headlines after declaring its intention to seek major league status in 1914. 

The Federal League survived in 1913 in contrast to two other leagues – the United States League and the Columbian League – which had tried in 1912 to operate outside Organized Baseball, the formal structure linking the traditional major and minor leagues. The United States League of 1912 included Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, New York, Pittsburgh, Reading, Richmond and Washington, D.C. It survived only a month. The Colombian League never hosted a contest. 

(A separate United States League was formed in 1913 – optimistically including Baltimore, Brooklyn, Lynchburg, Newark, Philadelphia and D.C. – but it failed within its first week of operation.) 

The Federal League of 1913, under president John Powers, included several interests from the previous year’s failed leagues and opened the season with franchises in Chicago, Cleveland, Covington, Kentucky (across the river from Cincinnati), Indianapolis, Pittsburgh and St. Louis. (The financially strapped Covington squad relocated to Kansas City forty games into the season.) Powers’ league successfully completed a 120-game schedule, no small feat considering that it directly competed for a fan base with major league franchises in four of its six cities. 

Financially, the Federal League was bleeding cash. Jumping into an established eastern market proved unprofitable. Regardless or perhaps defiantly so, the league drastically changed direction in August. Powers was dismissed (formally claimed to be overworked and in need of a vacation) and James Gilmore took his place. Gilmore was a backer of the Chicago franchise. He brought a renewed vigor to the league and the magnates put the American and National Leagues on notice; they were unilaterally declaring major league status for 1914. 

Was the Federal League on a solid footing? Was it profitable enough in 1913 that the progression seemed natural? Did it possess enough major-league quality talent that the declaration was inevitable? The answer to these questions is an emphatic, “No!” The league’s backers went ahead anyhow. 

Adjustments to the foundation of the league would be needed – and quickly. Learning from the American League’s transition over a decade earlier, Gilmore and crew needed two basic ingredients which would be essential to their success – financing and relocation. The two were intertwined. The Federal League needed representation in the east and, more importantly, it required the men who could afford it. Players, managers and ballparks could all be bought later. The money men, as in all ambitious projects, were essential, preferably from the get-go. 

This is what separated the Federal League from many other leagues. Over its existence it can be strongly argued that the Feds may not have put a top-quality product on the field but in its wealthy backers they stood out: 

• Gilmore, manufacturer
• Charles Weeghman, Chicago, restaurateur
• Phil Ball, St. Louis, cold storage
• Otto Stifel, St. Louis, brewer
• Robert Ward, Brooklyn, millionaire, baking industry
• Albert Sinclair, St. Louis, oil tycoon 

The Feds needed to revamp their circuit for 1914, change the map so to speak. Chicago was a no-brainer. One of the most ravenous baseball cities in the country, it was the leading market outside the east coast. Indianapolis, Kansas City, Pittsburgh and St. Louis were also retained. Considering a desire to expand to 8 clubs, three remained. Whether to retain or remove the Cleveland franchise proved contentious but in the end it was dropped. 

Winter 1913-1914 

On October 20, 1913, the Federal League took a giant leap forward; it announced its commitment to add an eastern city, or two, or three. Baltimore, Brooklyn, Buffalo, New York and Philadelphia led the list. Judge Harry Goldman, one of the primary backers of the American League Orioles of 1901-1902, had met with Federal League officials, declaring the city’s interest in once again fielding a major league nine. Baltimore, provided that backing could be found, seemed to have a leg up. 

Goldman spread the word. Immediately, the city’s leaders expressed their willingness to open their wallets and purchase stock in the new enterprise. A pledge of $100,000 was needed to convince Federal League officials of the city’s seriousness. A local advisory committee was formed within a week; these men would attend the next Federal League meeting set for November 1 in Indianapolis. 

On October 27, the articles of incorporation were formed and soon remitted to Annapolis, the state’s capital, for approval. The board of directors read: 

• Carroll W. Rasin
• John S. Wilson, Jr.
• Gustav L. Stewart
• Walter Katzenstein
• Stuart S. Janney
• L. Edwin Goldman
• Harry Goldman
• George Schleunes 

An option was taken on a plot of land for a ballpark and stock was set to be issued, $150,000 preferred, $150,000 common. One share would cost $100. The next day, the stock offering appeared in local newspapers. 

Baltimore Sun 10/28/1913

At a meeting on the 28^th, the officers were chosen: 

• Rasin, president
• Stewart, vice president
• Wilson, treasurer
• Harry Goldman, secretary
• Katzenstein, assistant secretary 

At the Federal League meeting on November 1, Baltimore and Buffalo were officially added to the league’s roster. Brooklyn would soon follow. 

On the 12^th, Ned Hanlon became a club director and purchased a “considerable amount of the stock.” In fact, he was the leading shareholder. He also owned the plot of land where the new club intended to erect a ball grounds. Hanlon was well-known in the city as the former manager of the National League Orioles of the 1890s, the city’s heyday in the sport, and had permanently relocated to Baltimore. 

Hanlon had been around for a long time. He first played professionally at age 19 back in 1877. He reached the majors in 1880 with Cleveland, remaining active through 1892. In 1889, he began a long career managing at the game’s top level, which took him to stops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Brooklyn and finally Cincinnati through 1907. 

While managing Brooklyn, Hanlon purchased the Montreal franchise of the Eastern League and moved it to Baltimore in 1903 when the city’s American League club was relocated to New York by Ban Johnson. Dunn, the Orioles manager, purchased the team from Hanlon after the 1909 season. Hanlon had been an advocate for returning big league ball to Baltimore and leapt at the chance offered by the Federal League. 

Hanlon looked to be a strong advocate for the Feds and address the league directors to discuss, among other things, “the present monopoly of Organized Baseball.” In fact, Hanlon was rumored as a candidate for president of the Federal League, as Gilmore’s naming in August was declared to be temporary. However, on November 15, Gilmore was reaffirmed as league leader. (On the 29^th, Hanlon addressed the league directors in Pittsburgh during a private session. According to a Kansas City “informant,” “Hanlon will be one of the leading figures in the destiny of the new league.”) 

Stock sales in the new ballclub initially proved brisk but soon slowed. Hanlon insisted the stock price be dropped to $10 to involve a wider array of city residents. Eventually, about 600 individuals purchased $164,400 in stock with another $36,000 in loans given to fund the club. 

On December 30, Hanlon purchased the last of a group of smaller lots and sold a large portion of real estate to the Baltimore Federal League club for its new ballpark. The property, a triangular lot, was located at 29^th Street and York Road – to the north, across the street and behind Jack Dunn’s International League Baltimore Orioles’ field, Orioles Park (the fourth version). 

Roster 

Around the time that Baltimore was declared as a possible Federal League city, Wilbert Robinson was released from his contract as a coach with John McGraw’s New York Giants. This sparked speculation that the old Baltimore hero was slated to take over the city’s new entry. However, Robinson was soon named manager of the Brooklyn Dodgers in the National League. 

On January 5, the Baltimore Feds, informally being called the Monumentals or Terrapins, finally hired their manager. Second baseman Otto Knabe left the Philadelphia Phillies to accept a 3-year, $30,000 offer. He had previously turned down the same position with the Pittsburgh Feds. The contract, half given upfront, was thought to be the highest in Baltimore history. 

Knabe was the third big name to jump his major league contract for the Federal League. George Stovall and Joe Tinker preceded him. Miner Brown was soon to follow. With the loss of their players, the established major leagues, the American and National, finally awoke; they vehemently threatened all contract jumpers with blacklisting. On the 8^th, Knabe and several other Fed representatives met with a group of major leaguers, offering them contracts. A day later, the Chicago Feds announced four more defections. 

By mid January, Knabe, Hanlon and Harry Goldman claimed for Baltimore: 

• Cozy Dolan, Cardinals, utility
• Enos Kirkpatrick, Dodgers, infielder
• Knabe, Phillies, second base
• Mike Mowrey, Pittsburgh, third baseman
• Frank Smith, former long-time major leaguer, pitcher
• Runt Walsh, Phillies, infielder
• Guy Zinn, Braves, outfielder
• Hack Simmons, Rochester (IL), utility
• Harry Swacina, Newark (IL), first base 

Dolan and Mowrey ultimately remained in the National League. Kirkpatrick signed with Baltimore shortly after the New Year, taking a $1000 advance. He subsequently re-signed with Wilbert Robinson who had taken over the Dodgers. Kirkpatrick flopped again and finally did join Knabe’s camp. Simmons and Swacina had just finished one-two, respectively, in the International League batting race.

 

Cleveland Leader: 3 October 1907

 

Prologue:

The Battle for Baltimore, 1914: The Federal League Moves In

(forthcoming article, date TBD) 

Major league baseball opened in 1914 on Monday April 13, not with an American or National League contest but in Baltimore with two recently assembled nines of the revamped Federal League. The new league was deemed an interloper, encroaching on the established major leagues. In the parlance of Organized Baseball, it was known as an outlaw league. 

The Federal League raised much like the American League had a decade and a half earlier – from a predominantly western conglomeration hastily reconstructed since the beginning of the year to include the game’s traditional base – the East. Financial backers, managers, athletes and ballparks had to be thrown together within a few short months to meet the Opening Day deadline. 

Baltimore saw the Federal League as a godsend, not an interloper. The major league version of the game had been absent from the city since the vengeful John McGraw tried to destroy the American League and Baltimore baseball along with it in 1902. 

The city had been astir since October when whispers emerged that the newly-declared major sought it include it. Baltimore yearned for the idea; it just didn’t seem right that there could be major league ball without such the city with a long history of stellar baseball. 

Baltimore Sun 10/31/1913

 

Baltimore actually already had a team since 1903, the Orioles, a minor league club owned by Jack Dunn. The Orioles belonged to a top minor circuit – the International League (previously known as the Eastern League). Regardless, the Federal League was offering major league baseball, not a lesser version. Baltimore was hooked long before Opening Day and before a manager, roster or even a nickname was chosen. 

It can still be debated today whether the Federal League was actually a major. Talent-wise, it probably wasn’t. Few young ballplayers from the league went on to extended careers at baseball’s top level. Nevertheless, Baltimore clung to the renewed prospect of major league baseball. 

As ravenous as Baltimore was for baseball, it’s unlikely that it could adequately support two top-level teams. Which one would survive? Dunn certainly had momentum on his side; his Orioles had been operating in the city continuously for over a decade. One backer of the Federal League club – known as the Terrapins, though, represented the city’s heyday in the sport. Ned Hanlon  was the architect of one of the top dynasties of the 19^th century – the National League Baltimore Orioles of the mid 1890s. (Hanlon was the original owner of Dunn’s Orioles. He had bought the Montreal club and moved them to Baltimore in 1903. He sold outto Dunn after the 1909 season.)

To set the tone for the rivalry, the Terrapins established their grounds, Terrapin Park, directly across York Road from Orioles Park. 

If Opening Day was any indicator, Dunn was at a distinct disadvantage. The Baltimore Evening News of Monday, April 13, 1914 made this perfectly clear. 

A huge parade kicked off at the Emerson Hotel, at Baltimore and Calvert Streets. Thousands lined the streets as the men rode to the new park on York Road. The procession included: 

• Baltimore players and manager Otto Knabe
• Buffalo players and manager Larry Schlafly
• Baltimore team officials
• Buffalo team officials
• Federal League president James Gilmore
• Millionaire Federal League backers George, Robert and William Ward
• Ned Hanlon 

28,000 filed into Terrapin Park for the 3pm contest, some lining up as early as 6am to by tickets, which went on sale at 11am. It was (perhaps incorrectly) declared to be “the largest crowd ever gathered at a local ball game.” 

 

The News dedicated much of their front page to the return of major league baseball. And this still wasn’t enough – the main edition only took the readers up to game time. A special edition had to be arranged: 

City officials couldn’t hide their elation: 

Baltimore Sun 4/14/1914

Dunn brought in the famed New York Giants, reigning National League champions, to play across the street. The 3000 that saw the Orioles-Giants game paled in comparison to the raucous next door. 

Baltimore Sun 4/14/1914

In contrast the News’s coverage on the Orioles’ Opening Day – eight days later – was decidedly reserved. Relegated to Page 16, the Orioles warranted only a modest article plugging each of the top players on the club. A collage of 21 of the team’s personnel was the highlight. Dunn, at least, had this advantage. The News had a photographic archive of his charges. 

The echoes of the Federal League’s presence were felt throughout all of baseball on Opening Day. Lawsuits flew back and forth between it and clubs in Organized Baseball. On April 13 alone, a suit was filed concerning Terrapins starter Jack Quinn who had jumped his Boston Braves contract. It wasn’t the only suit filed that day. Elsewhere, Bill Killefer was expelled from the players union for inking multiple deals – with the Phillies and the Federal League. 

It was going to be a rough year for the Orioles – despite the presence of the game’s soon-to-be #1 star, Babe Ruth (Pictured Top Left of Collage).

 

The independent Federal League of 1913 initially included Covington, Kentucky, which lies across the Ohio River from Cincinnati, Ohio. The club was managed by Sam Leever  . 

The team played at Shinkle Playgrounds, a park named after a wealthy local family. The field was tight to say the least: 

• Right Field: 194’
• Center Field: 267’
• Left Field: 218’ 

On Opening Day – May 9 – Covington opened against the St. Louis Terriers. An overflow crowd of 6000 poured into the tiny park, many forced to remain standing surround the field. The abbreviated dimensions became even tighter. Any ball hit into the standing crowd that day was deemed a ground-rule single. The pitchers – Walt Justis of Covington and Jesse Gwynn of St. Louis – were seemingly at a disadvantage. It should be easy enough for batters to poke the ball between or over the outfielders’ heads and keep the runs tallying. 

Justis had a brief major league career, pitching two games for the Detroit Tigers in 1905. 

Justis proved too much for the Terriers on Opening Day. He allowed only six hits, scattering only six hits and keeping the ball in the park. No St. Louis player scored. 

 

The Covington club didn’t survive the season, relocating to Kansas City on June 26.

SOURCE LIST 

• Baseball-reference.com 
• Cleveland Plain Dealer, 10 May 1913 
• Johnson, Lloyd and Miles Wolff. Encyclopedia of Minor League Baseball, Third Edition. Durham, North Carolina: Baseball America, 2007.
• Lexington Herald, Kentucky, 20 January 1913 
• Wiggins, Robert Peyton. The Federal League of Base Ball Clubs: The History of an Outlaw Major League, 1914-1915. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland and Company, Inc., Publishers, 2009.

 

Part 2 of 2

1885 

Voltz was still reporting from Cleveland in March 1885 but he relocated to Philadelphia soon thereafter. A peek into how baseball affairs were conducted during the era (referencing Bill Sweeney, Cleveland in Western League in 1885): 

Cleveland Plain Dealer 4/28/1885

In mid June, Voltz joined Chattanooga of the Southern League as manager. The club almost immediately improved: 

 

On July 28 Voltz made his one and only appearance on a professional baseball roster. With his club shorthanded, he played left field, going 0 for 4 with a pair of errors. 

The Chattanooga club  included Dummy Ryn  and two young pitchers Bill Hart, 19, and Toad Ramsey , 20, among others. Ramsey would make his major league debut on September 5 and win 75 games between 1886 and ’87. 

The young Ramsey won 17 games, losing 23, for Chattanooga and proved a handful for his manager. The club, like nearly all minor league franchises, had financial constraints: 

Ramsey didn’t appreciate the shaky ground or his manager and worked to get him fired. In fact, Voltz was released on August 29, according to the Atlanta Constitution, “This is probably done in deference to the expressed wishes of Ramsey, the great pitcher.” The entire team went through an upheaval: 

The entire Southern League was cut-throat that year. Many targeted the front runner Atlanta: 

Note the open and bold offer of a dollar inducement which was characteristic of baseball until the days of Judge Landis. Voltz explains an even deeper symptom – outright game-fixing: 

 1886-1888 

In January 1886, Voltz was mentioned as a candidate to be Chris Von der Ahe’s private secretary and official scorer for his St. Louis Browns, but it never panned out. 

Voltz joined the Philadelphia Press in the Spring of 1886 after his business venture faltered. Always seeking an entrepreneurial opportunity, Voltz opened the firm of Fogel & Voltz with Horace Fogel later in the year. They were agents for local beer breweries. The firm dissolved in February 1887 and Voltz returned to the Press. (Various sources list Voltz as the sporting editor for the Press and he may have been at some point. However, a November 1887 ad in Sporting Life clearly lists James Watson in that position.) 

Voltz had a straightforward, bold approach to reporting: 

From a young age, Voltz ran a publishing business on the side. In 1881, he published an opera house program. The following year, he published the scorecards at League Park in Cleveland. Also in 1882, he published, with E.W. Hassler, The Critic, “a dramatic and society paper.” 

In 1883 with Fred Whipple, Voltz issued the National Pastime, a Toledo-based baseball magazine. The pair also produced the National League book: 

 

1889-1890 

Voltz became secretary and treasurer of the Middle States League when it was formed on November 19, 1888. The league was integrated, including two squads of African American players – the New York Gorhams and the Cuban Giants. In July, Voltz also took on the title of league president. 

At the end of the year, he was a candidate for president of the major American Association, at the behest of Chris von der Ahe, in an attempt to oust leader Wheeler Wyckoff. Zach Phelps ended up with the job. 

The Middle States League reorganized for 1890, officially becoming the Eastern Interstate League in early December 1889. Voltz was named league president. The Cuban Giants remained in the new league, representing York, Pennsylvania. An embattled league, the ECL ousted Voltz at a meeting on June 8. 

LATER LIFE 

Voltz and his wife had three children: Mamie, September 1880; William Jr., 1883; Clausen, November 1894. The family resided at 2022 North 15^th Street in Philadelphia from at least the mid 1890s until after Voltz’s death. The family perennially spent the summers at Atlantic City, New Jersey. 

In Philadelphia, Voltz developed a friendship with fellow sportswriter Horace Fogel. Like Fogel, Voltz joined and became active in the Philadelphia and then the National Scorers Association. Fogel was the official scorer of the Philadelphia Athletics of the American Association. Voltz may have served in a similar capacity. 

With his newspaper friends including Fogel, Voltz took part in competitive billiards, bowling and pigeon rearing and racing. They were also members of a local Elk Lodge. 

In 1891, he left the newspaper business and became the press agent for Bradenburgh’s Dime Museum, a lucrative position. Bradenburgh’s, at 9^th and Arch Streets, was a museum of sorts but predominantly operated as a theatre and put on various sporting events – as depicted. 

Voltz remained close to baseball. He maintained his positions in the scorers associations, typically serving as an officer (into the 1910s). In December 1891, a new major league erupted on paper to replace the American Association which had recently disbanded. Voltz was named as the general business manager of the Philadelphia entry. 

In October 1895, he served as a pallbearer for Harry Wright. The two were described as “life-long friends.” In 1897, Voltz organized a local old-timers game pitting aging Phillies against Athletics. The proceeds benefited Bobby Mathews who had fell on hard luck. 

In November 1912, Voltz testified in the National League trial of Horace Fogel who was then the owner of the Philadelphia Phillies. Fogel had made numerous slurs and accusations against a variety of baseball men including various umpires, Roger Bresnahan and National League president Thomas Lynch. Voltz, though a current business partner of Fogel’s, testified on behalf of Lynch, claiming his honesty was above reproach. Fogel emerged from the trial barred from the game. In 1916 Voltz became a part-owner of the Wilmington, Delaware club. 

By the end of the 1890s, Voltz was employed as general manager for the Guarantee Paving Company. In 1909 he became a partner in a pawn brokerage, Prudential Loan Society, part of an ambitious multi-city franchise system. 

As in Cleveland, Voltz was active in Republican politics in Philadelphia, more so. He became a leader of the 32^nd Ward. He was embroiled in an embarrassing scandal in 1918 after a city water commissioner declared that Voltz’s residence had been delinquent in paying its water bill, under a “plea of poverty,” for a number of years. It was found that many residents throughout the city were in arrears. Voltz charged back that it was merely a politic ploy and he was current with his obligation. 

Voltz served as a Pennsylvania State Senator from 1922-1928. He passed away at home “after an attack of acute indigestion” at age 75 on September 18, 1934. 

SPECULATION 

There are indications that Bill Voltz was in some way related to Edward Charles Voltz – who I suggest  may be the National Association umpire known as E.C. Voltz. Perhaps Charles, about 13 years older, was his cousin or uncle. 

Besides the shared last name, Edward, a theatrical manager and actor, served as a scorer for various baseball contests between local Cleveland scribes – two obvious ties in with Bill. Moreover, Bill held a position at Edward’s Opera House. 

RESEARCH ASSISTANCE 

Thanks to Bill Burgess for opening his sportswriter files for this endeavor. Luckily, I was able to pay him back by finding a picture of Bill Voltz, another passion of Mr. Burgess. 

David Ball took the time to dig in his ample files and pulled out some nuggets about Voltz that aided my early research. It’s appreciated. 

SOURCE LIST 

 

Bill Voltz, Pioneer in Unionizing and Integration

Part 1 of 2

William H. Voltz was a publisher, sportswriter, politician, businessman, minor league manager, team owner, league president and one-time minor league player. He was the man that brought Fleet Walker to the Toledo Blue Stockings, in essence, creating the first opportunity for an acknowledged African American to join a major league roster. Later, Voltz was president of the last two significant integrated leagues before complete segregation. 

In between, Voltz sought to enlist professional ballplayers in a collective – not for any radical purpose such as opposing management like a trade union but to secure some stability for injured and/or destitute athletes. John Montgomery Ward latched onto the idea for the former purpose, ultimately leading to the first major labor uprising in baseball history. 

YOUNGER LIFE 

William H. Voltz was born in Cleveland on December 2, 1858. His father, William, was an Ohioan born of German parents. He worked in construction, mostly notably as a brick mason. His mother, Minnie, hailed from Frankfurt am Main, Germany. His parents were just past the age of twenty when their son was born. At least one other child was subsequently born to the couple but none survived past infancy. 

William Sr. may have fit the stereotype of a tough, hard-drinking German American of the era. He continually ran afoul of the law for various disturbances and offenses usually including fisticuffs. It’s unclear whether the troubles were domestic or centered outside the household. 

William, the younger, attended local elhi schools through the age of sixteen in 1875. The following article seems to clearly be referring to Voltz save the death reference. Perhaps the reporter embellished the story a bit. 

Elyria Independent Democrat 12/1/1869

In 1875, he joined the staff of the Cleveland Voice. A reference or two suggests that he was the sporting editor for the Voice but considering his age he was more likely an apprentice sportswriter.

In 1877, he switched papers, landing with the Cleveland Leader. Though, he soon left to study law at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. Voltz left college in 1878 and returned to the Leader the following year, supposedly again becoming the sporting editor. He can be found in 1879 accounts umpiring a contest between Cleveland Republicans and Democrats. Presumably he was impartial; Voltz, a staunch lifelong Republican, was involved in local politics throughout his life and later held a position in the Pennsylvania State Senate.

He married Anna Alberta Willmer, a Fremont native a couple of months his junior, on December 11, 1879 at St. John’s Lutheran Church. Voltz left the Leader in November 1881 to work as press agent for the Cleveland Opera House – producing their programs among other responsibilities; though, it seems his departure was brief as he was writing for the newspaper again by the following year.

1883

After the 1882 baseball season, Voltz worked with several Toledo businessmen, including fellow newspaperman Fred H. Whipple, to form a new club that entered the upstart Northwestern League in 1883. The franchise was officially formed in December and by January included:

Fort Wayne Daily Sentinel 1/15/1883

Note the inclusion of Moses Walker, often referred to as Fleet, the first acknowledged African American in major league history. (No one has shown that William Edward White was viewed in baseball as anything other than a Caucasian.) The story goes that Voltz first signed 22-year-old Oberlin College (located outside Cleveland) pitcher Harlan F. Burkett, a future president of the Ohio State Bar Association. Burkett then alerted Voltz to his old battery mate Walker.

The University of Michigan, in desperate need of an effective catcher, had lured Walker away for the 1882 season. Voltz was probably well-acquainted with Walker, at least by reputation. Besides the Oberlin connection, Walker had barnstormed through the Erie area in ’82 with New Castle, an independent Pennsylvanian club. He had also caught for the Cleveland-based White Sewing Machine club that season.

Walker in turn helped land a hot pitching prospect at the time, Horace Lockwood, a University of Michigan pitcher. Lockwood would play two seasons in the Northwestern League, including a stint with Saginaw (MI) in 1884.

Syracuse Sunday Herald 2/11/1883

It was a bold step by Voltz to incorporate a black player on his upstart club. At a formative meeting of the Northwestern League on March 15, a motion was made to exclude black players – specifically Walker:

Walker survived that motion and even the two majors seemed to accept him – as soon thereafter they entered into the Tripartite Agreement with the Northwestern League. The agreement in essence created Organized Baseball and would be renewed, reworked and renegotiated becoming the formal link between the majors and the minors – better known today as the National Agreement.

The Toledo club  created by Voltz would end up winning the pennant, bolstered by sixteen future major leaguers including a young Hank O’Day and Curt Welch and several others of note. Voltz, himself, was high on righthanded pitcher Sam Moffet  who had a brief but disastrous career in the majors. (Oddly that season, Voltz tended to use Walker at second base.)

Voltz however missed the accolades. He left the club, ambiguous as to whether he resigned or quit, on May 25. Third baseman Charlie Morton took over and moved Walker back to his normal position, catcher. On August 10, it was Morton (not Voltz as sometimes reported) who stood up to Cap Anson and his Chicago White Stocking players after they demanded the removal of Walker from the lineup. In 1884, Morton’s Toledo Blue Stocking, en masse, moved into the American Association; thus instantly claiming major league status.

Voltz hung around Toledo after leaving the club and umpired. He was still working with Whipple as the two of them produced a baseball publication. Voltz also apparently had other aspirations:

In the end, he joined the staff of the Cleveland Herald.

1884

Eighteen Eight-Four opened with a rumor that Voltz was starting a new club in St. Paul, Minnesota. The Cleveland Herald refuted it, claiming Voltz was “working in this office and has sworn off on baseball, with a vow as deep as an artesian well.” The well must have been dry though; by March, he was in the fray.

With the encroachment of the Union Association in 1884, the National League decided to form reserve squads (not every club followed through) to readily supply emergency replacements and prospects to the parent club. The obvious goal was to ink as many men to a National League as possible to keep them from the Union Association – and likewise the American Association.

The reserved teams were based in the home city of the parent club and would play at the National League parks when the parents were out of town. In March, Voltz set out for Akron to form a club for the upcoming season. He wanted the Cleveland Blues’ reserve squad, known as the Colts or merely Reserves, to relocate to Akron under his management but couldn’t convince the National League management.

Instead, Voltz formed a co-op club in Akron, an organization whose players worked for a percentage of receipts rather than for a salary. April proved bumpy for both Akron and the Cleveland Reserves. It was a particularly wet and blustery. Of their first 18 games booked, Akron was only able to play 7. The Reserves had it just as bad, traveling through Ohio and into Michigan. More than a few of the men became ill.

The Cleveland Blues gained the permission of the other National League owners to transfer the club to Akron (though a few games would still be played in Cleveland); it was turned over to Voltz and the two clubs were merged, the manager retaining the best of the lot. Akron assumed the Reserves’ schedule with the other National League reserve clubs and exhibition games with American Association nines. Cleveland retained the parenting rights with the option to transfer men as needed.

Akron embarked on an extensive road trip in late May which took them to Chicago, Rock Island, St. Louis, Evansville and Vincennes, Indiana, Louisville and Cincinnati. Financially, it was a disaster. In St. Louis, Voltz had to beg Chris von der Ahe for a loan; the two had never met. Returning to Cleveland, Voltz disbanded the club and returned to his position with the Herald.

PROTECTIVE UNION

Back at his Herald desk in the Spring of 1885, Voltz began pushing for ballplayers to form a protective union. The idea was for players to kick in a small percentage of their salaries during the summer when funds were plenty, bank the money and then distribute it among those ballplayers in need during the down time, winter, when cash was sorely needed. By late June, after he was again managing a minor league club, Voltz declared that he had 200 ballplayers interested.

The following article expands on the issue:

In retrospect, the lifestyle of both the major and minor league ballplayer was much too transient and itinerant for Voltz’s idea to work in the 1880s. Voltz’s plan would have been more likely to come to fruition in the majors where salaries were typically higher, but that’s a big if as well. While he was known within major league circles, – Cleveland was represented in the majors since 1879 and he wrote under the “Forest City” tag in the Sporting Life – it’s hard to imagine a vast group of ballplayers in the 19^th century heeding the advice of a writer and part-time minor league manager concerning their livelihood, much less turning over a chunk of money to him. Voltz’s boast of 200 interested parties is probably just that – a boast.

It seems clear though that Voltz had hit upon something, especially when taken with his perpetual distain for the reserve clause. Perhaps a more radial individual could find the backing, one with a fertile, investigative mind that just happened to be a major leaguer with an ax to grind. That man was obviously John Montgomery Ward. Ward was interested in Voltz’s idea not as a protective union but as a trade union. He wanted the men to amass to gain a better bargaining position with management.

In October, Ward and some teammates formed the first chapter of the Brotherhood of Professional Base Ball Players. By the end of 1886, over 100 men were formally enlisted. After the 1889 season, the entire baseball world would feel their wrath.

When the major league magnates met on October 17 and universally extended the reserve clause to cover all players (not just 11 as it sat), Voltz was the first to speak out.

Subsequently, it’s evident that Voltz either met with Ward or influenced him indirectly in October, or perhaps earlier, during the formative stage of the new union. The following Sporting Life and Cleveland Plain Dealer make this apparent. Voltz played some part in the “scheme to organize ballplayers against managers;” though, he is scantily mentioned in both the DiSalvatore and Stevens biographies of Ward.

Note in the Sporting Life clip, Voltz distanced himself from the consequences and direction the players were headed. He was in essence a part of the baseball cog – a writer and want-to-be manager/executive – not a radical. Voltz continued his efforts the following year as described by the March 10, 1886 Sporting Life article above.

As a journalist, Voltz backed John Ward and the Brotherhood during their existence and was present when the Players League formed in December 1889.

 

The Boston Traveler, Saturday, July 11, 1914